Justin Trudeau's mid-life crisis - Macleans.ca
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Justin Trudeau’s mid-life crisis

After a series of stumbles and setbacks the Liberals have an ambitious but risky plan to break their slump and get back on track


 
Photo illustration by Stephen Gregory and Heshmat Saberi

Photo illustration by Stephen Gregory and Heshmat Saberi

Serving in Justin Trudeau’s cabinet looked, at the outset, quite literally like a walk in the park. Images of the lucky chosen strolling in all their gender-balanced, ethnically diverse glory up Rideau Hall’s tree-lined lane to be sworn in on Nov. 4, 2015, has lasted as the iconic, bucolic image of this Liberal government’s beginnings.

midlife-crisis-coverThere was no dappled sunshine, though, on the podium at Stouffville, Ont., just under two years later, when Trudeau stood for a news conference to personally take charge of damage control over his government’s botched bid to reform small-business taxes. All he got was the cold light needed by the TV crews assembled to capture what turned out to be this Prime Minister at his most brittle.

Those testy exchanges are by now the stuff of political lore. First a reporter asked politely to put some questions to Finance Minister Bill Morneau, who was standing a few strides behind his boss. “I’ll take them,” Trudeau said. Later, when another journalist again dared suggest questioning Morneau, Trudeau crossly relented—with a condition. “Yes, but you have to ask a question of me first,” he said, “because you get a chance to talk to the Prime Minister.”

When Trudeau’s smile is working, his eyes crinkle. In Stouffville, they only narrowed. His irritability—written on his face and audible in his icy tone—seemed to confirm a conventional wisdom that was by then already gelling back in Ottawa: the dreaded mid-term malaise was upon the Liberals.

READ: Justin Trudeau’s money pit, and those working hard to join it

But is breaking out of the slump only a matter of putting Morneau’s woes behind them? He had exposed himself—and subjected the government—to a rare combination punch of policy turmoil and personal controversy. He first failed to calm the entirely predictable blowback from professionals, farmers and entrepreneurs to his small-business tax proposals. Then stories broke about his earlier decisions not to properly shield himself—a rich former Bay Street executive trying his hand at politics—from conflicts of interest.

Finance Minister Bill Morneau speaks to members of the media as Prime Minister Justin Trudeau looks on at a press conference on tax reforms in Stouffville, Ont., on Monday, October 16, 2017. (Nathan Denette/CP)

Finance Minister Bill Morneau speaks to members of the media as Prime Minister Justin Trudeau looks on at a press conference on tax reforms in Stouffville, Ont., on Monday, October 16, 2017. (Nathan Denette/CP)

As serious as it is to have a finance minister so badly wounded, however, some Liberal MPs and government operatives privately argue that Morneau’s problems have been contained. He adjusted the tax reform package to partly placate critics, and took serious, if belated, steps to separate his personal wealth from his political life. The two years left before a fall 2019 election offer ample time to recover.

But that’s assuming Morneau’s miserable fall isn’t part of an ongoing pattern. After all, the Liberals’ 2017 began with Trudeau dropping Maryam Monsef from Democratic Reform and into Status of Women, on the way to breaking his promise to change the way Canadians elect MPs. Spring brought house leader Bardish Chagger bowing to Tory and NDP anger by dumping plans to reform how Parliament functions.

Maryam Monsef Minister of Democratic Institutions stands in the House of Commons during question period on Parliament Hill, in Ottawa, Thursday, December 1, 2016. THE CANADIAN PRESS/Fred Chartrand

Maryam Monsef Minister of Democratic Institutions stands in the House of Commons during question period on Parliament Hill, in Ottawa, Thursday, December 1, 2016. (Fred Chartrand/CP)

And autumn has featured, along with Morneau’s troubles, Heritage Minister Melanie Joly being scorched by a firestorm—hottest by far in Quebec, her home province—sparked by her deal with Netflix, which extracts $500 million over five years for Canadian productions from the internet streaming giant, but imposes none of the taxes and regulations her critics demand.

Government House Leader Bardish Chagger scrums with members of the media before Question Period in the House of Commons in Ottawa, Thursday, March 23, 2017. (Adrian Wyld/CP)

Government House Leader Bardish Chagger scrums with members of the media before Question Period in the House of Commons in Ottawa, Thursday, March 23, 2017. (Adrian Wyld/CP)

All this as polls show Andrew Scheer’s Conservatives running close behind Trudeau’s previously far-ahead Liberals. In an Insights West poll conducted in late October for Maclean’s, the Liberals had 35 per cent support, the Conservatives 33 per cent and the New Democratic Party 20 per cent. In the 2015 election, the Liberals won with 39.5 per cent of the vote, and polls tracked their support soaring to the high 40s a year later. The government’s clearest reaction to its sagging fortunes came in Morneau’s fall economic statement. Gone were the lofty, long-term innovation themes of last fall’s version of the annual update. In their place, Morneau retreated to basics. His headline: faster indexation of the Canada Child Benefit—the popular payment to parents unveiled in the Liberals’ inaugural 2016 budget—which translates into an extra $200 a year for a typical family with two kids, starting next summer.

RELATED: Bill Morneau’s shift from long-term strategy to immediate benefits

If it looked like the chastened Trudeau crew was shifting to playing it safe, though, that interpretation was premature. In interviews in the days after Morneau’s Oct. 24 economic statement, several key cabinet ministers and well-placed government officials all insisted the brakes haven’t been applied to a string of ambitious and inherently risky policy unveilings, planned for the coming months and beyond.

A landmark national housing strategy, deep criminal justice reforms and simultaneous overhauls of laws covering broadcasting, telecommunications and copyright all remain in train. The federal-provincial deals required to launch a decade-long, multibillion-dollar infrastructure spree must be negotiated and finalized in the next few months. Marijuana legalization and the implementation of coast-to-coast carbon pricing are both slated to be finalized in 2018.

By any standard, that agenda is dauntingly formidable. Making it happen would cement the Trudeau government’s claim to being transformative. But more setbacks could make this season’s problems look, a couple of years from now, less like faltering than foreshadowing.

* * *

Liberal MPs shaken by recent setbacks have few veterans—in a cabinet packed with political rookies—to look to for reassurance that they can pull it off. But Public Safety Minister Ralph Goodale, 68, first elected under Justin Trudeau’s father, Pierre Trudeau, in 1974, has seen it all. It shows. Goodale’s trouble-free delivery of national security reforms last spring stood out as textbook policy execution. He shrugs off a “mid-term dip” as routine. “After an election there’s always a burst of enthusiasm and popularity,” Goodale says, “and we enjoyed a long period of that.”

Ralph Goodale, Minister of Public Safety and Emergency Preparedness makea a national security-related announcement at the National Press Theatre in Ottawa on Tuesday, June 20, 2017. THE CANADIAN PRESS/Sean Kilpatrick

Ralph Goodale, Minister of Public Safety and Emergency Preparedness THE CANADIAN PRESS/Sean Kilpatrick

In fact, the notion that a drop around the halfway point in a four-year term is only natural might be a case of Canadian discourse being clouded by American experience. History shows that a serving U.S. president’s party usually loses ground in mid-term congressional elections. In Canada, however, the pattern isn’t nearly as clear. Pollster Frank Graves of Ekos Research points out that Jean Chrétien’s 1993 win wasn’t followed by any “post-election swoon,” while Paul Martin after 2004 and Stephen Harper after 2011 suffered declines which, far from being short-term slumps, proved irreversible.

Still, after the 2015 election, the ebullience felt unsustainably fizzy. Goodale chalks it up to the contrast between Trudeau’s youth and flair and what he calls Harper’s “grinding mediocrity.”

Less-partisan voices might call the previous PM’s approach “incremental.” But Goodale’s point is more than sniping. Trudeau’s 2015 platform was jammed with more than 200 promises. Harper’s first winning campaign in 2006 focused on just five top priorities, and he thereafter kept his policy agenda tightly restrained.

Goodale sees two factors affording Trudeau room to be far less risk-averse. First is a buoyant economy, posting growth about twice the average of the Harper years. Second, he says Canadians who see themselves better reflected in a cabinet with as many women as men, and more visible minority members, will be more inclined to “cut the government some slack.”

READ: Justin Trudeau is getting cocky about the economy. Watch out.

* * *

With so many hefty policy files in play at once, the Trudeau government’s method can appear more scattergun than strategic. Top officials insist it isn’t so. One way to make sense of what’s happened to date, for instance, is to take into account the cycle of provincial elections.

Trudeau was lucky to win power at a time when a raft of co-operative, progressive premiers also held office. But top Liberals realized that provincial elections could change that in a hurry. Indeed, elections slated for 2018 endanger the Liberal regimes in Quebec and Ontario, and Alberta NDP Premier Rachel Notley, who has worked closely with Ottawa, must face voters in 2019.

Looking years out at the election calendar, Trudeau’s strategists pushed early for federal-provincial initiatives like Canada Pension Plan reform, a health accord and the framework for fighting climate change. That left more of the work that’s solely federal jurisdiction for the mandate’s second half.

But fed-prov friction hasn’t been cancelled out of the equation. Environment Minister Catherine McKenna’s “pan-Canadian framework on climate change” remains to be implemented next year, with Saskatchewan still offside. While Trudeau presses ahead for legalization of marijuana by next summer, some provinces say they need more time to plan for heavy lifting on regulating and policing legal pot sales.

Minister of Environment and Climate Change, Catherine McKenna, holds a meeting in her office with members of the NAFTA Advisory Council on the Environment on Parliament Hill in Ottawa on Friday, Sept. 22, 2017. (Sean Kilpatrick/CP)

Minister of Environment and Climate Change, Catherine McKenna, holds a meeting in her office with members of the NAFTA Advisory Council on the Environment on Parliament Hill in Ottawa on Friday, Sept. 22, 2017. (Sean Kilpatrick/CP)

Rarely in the news lately is the federal government’s massive infrastructure plan, even though, back in the 2015 campaign, it loomed large. Infrastructure Minister Amarjeet Sohi, a low-profile minister with a high-impact portfolio, must hammer out huge bilateral deals with all the provinces for their slices of $33 billion in federal funds for ribbon-cutting-worthy projects like big public transit expansions.

Ottawa wants accountability from the provinces, and delicate talks are going on behind the scenes. “It’s hard to find the right balance between being able to report on progress of projects and not overburdening them,” says one federal official. The stakes are enormous, and jostling for political credit is inevitable.

Traditional infrastructure is at the core of federal policy to keep the economy humming. Other ideas are less certain. Morneau has yet to launch his much-discussed Canada Infrastructure Bank, designed to use $15 billion in federal money to lure much more in private investment into profit-making projects like toll roads and power grids.

By next spring, Innovation Minister Navdeep Bains is slated to announce five “superclusters”—agglomerations of cutting-edge companies, universities and other partners—that will share $950 million in federal support. Liberal strategists are betting that thrusts like infrastructure and superclusters will shore up Trudeau’s rhetoric about middle-class prosperity being his government’s preoccupation.

Some other priorities might have serious economic implications, but they are much harder to package as part of a prosperity message—notably the stubborn social and economic problems plaguing Indigenous people.

In a late-summer cabinet shuffle, Trudeau moved Jane Philpott, who had earned solid reviews during her stint as health minister, into a newly created role as Indigenous services minister. Her assignment: deliver measurable progress on tangible issues like water, housing, education and health on First Nations reserves.

Kiokee-Linklater's family had to move out of her in-laws' house when it got too crowded: 27 people were living there in Attawapiskat. (Oakland Ross/Toronto Star/Getty Images)

Kiokee-Linklater’s family had to move out of her in-laws’ house when it got too crowded: 27 people were living there in Attawapiskat. (Oakland Ross/Toronto Star/Getty Images)

Philpott, 56, stands out as a steady hand among the cabinet’s political neophytes. But her new portfolio will test her; take housing, for example. In an interview, she touts the nearly 9,000 homes newly built in First Nations communities under the Trudeau government as an accomplishment. On the other hand, she also estimates 40,000 new houses are needed, and another 40,000 cry out for serious repairs and renovations. What counts as enough?

And housing is arguably easier to post progress on than, say, education and social services. Feelings run high, for example, around a key Canadian Human Rights Tribunal ruling last year, which found that the federal government discriminates against First Nations children by underfunding family services.

The government has drawn bitter criticism for going to federal court for clarification of that ruling’s implications, facing off against advocates for First Nations children. It’s not where Philpott wants to be. “I’m talking to every one of those groups and saying let’s stop solving this problem by negotiating through lawyers,” she says. “Let’s actually talk face to face about what needs to be done.”

It’s far from clear that she can overcome ingrained suspicions and decades of pent-up disappointment. Grand Chief Arlen Dumas, head of the Assembly of Manitoba Chiefs, recently met with Philpott when she visited the province for a look at innovations in First Nations schools and housing. “She has a good way about her,” Dumas says. “She seems eager and ambitious.”

And yet Dumas is impatient with the pace of progress, and angry about some signals coming from Ottawa. In a recent speech on Indigenous issues at the United Nations, for instance, Trudeau said to make progress First Nations must take “a hard look at how they define and govern themselves as nations and governments, and how they seek to relate to other orders of government.” Dumas bristles at that advice. “We have the wherewithal to administer and run all these programs,” he says, mentioning education, child welfare, housing and water. “The problem is they are all underfunded.”

READ: The trickery behind Justin Trudeau’s reconciliation talk

The issues Philpott confronts can seem overwhelming, but she doesn’t have to solve them all by 2019. She points to a few issues on which there’s a “clear path,” like stamping out tuberculosis in Inuit communities, which she says is a matter of putting in place “the X-ray machines and the human resources and the drugs and the housing.”

Dramatically reducing the number of reserves on long-term boil-water advisories, which now stands at 71, on the way to fulfilling the Liberal campaign promise to make sure all have safe water within five years, might be the most closely watched barometer of Philpott’s effectiveness. It’s hardly clear sailing: under the Liberals, 26 boil-water warnings have been lifted—but 19 added.

On the more intractable issues of Indigenous poverty, addiction, bad schools and substandard services, she looks out past the next election. “There’s work that we know we can’t do in two years,” she says. “So, to a certain extent, you’re also setting the stage and figuring out how you can set things up so you’ll be well-prepared to take the next steps.”

 * * *

Along with Philpott, government insiders tend to list Foreign Minister Chrystia Freeland and Environment Minister Catherine McKenna among Trudeau’s more sure-footed rookies.

Foreign Affairs Minister Chrystia Freeland discusses modernizing NAFTA at public forum at the University of Ottawa in Ottawa on Monday, Aug. 14, 2017. (Sean Kilpatrick/CP)

Foreign Affairs Minister Chrystia Freeland (Sean Kilpatrick/CP)

Freeland spearheads arguably the most consequential file of all—the high-stakes NAFTA renegotiation foisted on Canada and Mexico by Donald Trump—yet the risks to her personal reputation look minimal. Who could blame her if Trump’s protectionist nativism proves impossible to overcome at the bargaining table? Public opinion is with this government when it heads abroad: Insights West’s poll found that a staggering 67 per cent of Canadians rate the Liberals as “good” or “very good” at representing Canada internationally. (By comparison, approval of their handling of First Nations, marijuana and climate change each stand at around 50 per cent.)

WATCH: Trudeau tries not to react while listening to Trump in the White House

McKenna, too, has put herself in an enviable position on her top file, climate change. McGill University economics professor Chris Ragan, who also chairs Canada’s Ecofiscal Commission, a group of economists who are trying to promote solutions to environmental challenges that make economic sense, credits her with having “dealt very deftly with the fed-prov issues.”

The deal she hammered out with most of the provinces late last year urges them to enact carbon pricing, but promises that even if Ottawa has to step in to impose a tax, they’ll get to keep the revenues. “The pan-Canadian framework,” Ragan says, “is a pretty impressive start.”

The other half of the environment-energy nexus is a more immediate worry. Natural Resources Minister Jim Carr presides over the contentious pipeline policy file. He insists TransCanada’s recent decision to abandon its Energy East pipeline plan was the result of market conditions, not overregulation.

Still, the demise of Energy East left oil-producing Alberta and Saskatchewan bruised, raising the political stakes as Carr promises, sometime in the coming months, to overhaul the Canadian Environmental Assessment Act, 2012, and the National Energy Board Act, along with the Fisheries Act and the Navigation Protection Act.

The loudest responses to this wide-ranging reform are easy enough to predict even before any details are known. Environmentalists will see a carte blanche handed to planet-destroying extraction industries; self-styled economic realists will see those same industries shackled. “There are some people who want to leave the oil in the ground; there are other people who want to take it out now with minimum regulation,” Carr says, adding the government can only trust that there’s “a quieter group in the middle.”

READ: Canada is a federation of frenemies—and pipeline politics prove it

In a less-activist government, Carr’s legislative chore might easily rank as the toughest. In Trudeau’s, there’s lots of competition. Before the end of this year, Social Development Minister Jean-Yves Duclos is slated to table a national housing strategy, the first bid by Ottawa to take a lead in the area—mostly dominated by provinces and cities—in decades. (Last spring, Morneau’s budget committed $11.2 billion to affordable housing over 10 years.)

Justice Minister Jody Wilson-Raybould has just wrapped up a series of round tables, held in every province, in a major review of criminal justice law, and is expected to begin rolling out legislation and policy in the next few months. “It is massive,” says one government official familiar with the closely held details.

Also in the policy pipeline is Joly’s bid for redemption after her Netflix announcement left her looking isolated and besieged. Last spring’s federal budget, under the heading “Canada’s Digital Future,” promised reviews of the key laws covering the entertainment and information industries—the Broadcasting Act, Telecommunications Act and Copyright Act—all with a focus on “the role of Canadian content in an increasingly digital world.”

Heritage Minister Melanie Joly talks with media in Ottawa on Tuesday, May 2, 2017. (Matthew Usherwood/CP)

Heritage Minister Melanie Joly talks with media in Ottawa on Tuesday, May 2, 2017. (Matthew Usherwood/CP)

Her critics are wary, but she has allies, too. “We’re not obsessing on her announcements on internet television services,” says Tim Southam, a veteran movie and TV director and president of the Directors Guild of Canada. “We are encouraged by this minister’s consistent focus on the content creators—that’s us, directors, writers and actors.”

Culture and crime, housing and pipelines, infrastructure and Indigenous issues. These are just the issues the Liberals have chosen to tackle. Trump couldn’t have been foreseen, and he demands constant top-level attention from Trudeau’s inner circle. Beyond NAFTA, for instance, some sort of policy adjustment in response to refugees fleeing Trump’s America across lonely stretches of the Canadian border is expected as early as December.

WATCH: What to know about the trade deal Trump loves to hate

An optimist might see the crowded political and policy landscape as offering ample opportunity for Liberals to put their mid-mandate rough patch behind them. The more pessimistic view is that pitfalls abound for a government that has revealed itself as being fully capable of stepping into them.

Morneau’s mess reminded Liberals how metastasizing bad news can overshadow everything else for weeks on end. Even as controversy fades, impressions linger. Morneau failed to disclose ownership of the corporation that holds his French villa, which in turn gave opposition MPs a chance to revisit Trudeau’s ill-advised Christmas 2016 trip to the Aga Khan’s private Bahamian island—images of elite leisure that hardly reinforce the PM’s mantra about attending to “the middle class and those working hard to join it.”

The leaked documents on offshore tax shelters dubbed the Paradise Papers linked Claridge Inc., a Montréal investment company headed by top Liberal fundraiser Stephen Bronfman, to a Cayman Islands-based trust. Bronfman said he “has never funded nor used offshore trusts,” and Trudeau declared himself “satisfied with those assurances.” Fairly or not, having to field questions about tax-haven investment vehicles favoured by the very rich shunts the Prime Minister off his preferred message track.

How do Canadians tend to size up the situation? Graves sees the Liberals as still riding a popular current of yearning for something unlike what Harper gave the country for a decade. “This government was elected to provide a clear progressive alternative to a government people had gotten fed up with,” he says.

Finance Minister Bill Morneau (Mark Taylor/CP)

Finance Minister Bill Morneau (Mark Taylor/CP)

Insights West’s poll for Maclean’s—conducted just as Morneau’s problems were dominating the news late last month—found that 39 per cent of Canadians expect the Liberals to lose steam and accomplish less in the next two years—but 47 per cent still anticipate that the Trudeau government will pick up momentum and achieve more.

That well of positive feeling, holding up even with the Liberals lately looking so eminently fallible, lends support to Goodale’s seasoned outlook. “Will we get to the perfect finish line in one term? No,” cabinet’s old hand says. “But I think we will get to a point, and are already well down that course, where people will say, ‘We like this direction, we like the progress so far, we’ve got to hold their feet to the fire.’ ”

Correction: An earlier version of this story incorrectly stated the impact of Canada Child Benefit changes. Maclean’s regrets the error.

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Justin Trudeau’s mid-life crisis

  1. Justin Trudeau will not have any problem getting a second term, even a third, no one in this country are going to elect any other leader as a PM, as long as one wears a cross on his back(Sheer), and the other wears a kirpan and turbine on his head(Singh), Canadians don’t want ideological leaders running this country,they want a realist, someone with vision and not ideology, its a country that is free of any indoctrination of any religious beliefs(if we only get that god word out of our anthem) . There are only two heads of state in our country, GG and PM, and both are supposed to be non-partisan about religion. I am not a racist, i am a person who thinks like our GG, and thank you for that strong message of evolution, Madame Payette, after all Miss Payette represents the queeen, who runs the church of England, the one Henry the eighth invented to get divorced.. Religion of the leader will be one of the biggest issues in the next election. The question will be, will Canadians be able to accept someone who wears religious symbols, and someone who preaches the word of that guy who wears the robe and acts like ‘Keskin’. Just look down south of the border, and look how religion is guiding the new US into a country of the ten commandments. Keep church and state separated in this country..Ideology will ruin this country and others.

    • I would just like to add, i like the caption picture on top, it tells the true story, because everyone of you rightie’s and that includes you to Ezra, get used to it, because thats what Trudeau will look like when he steps aside to leave the rains to a female to run for PM in 2027.

      • You must be smoking some of Jr’s good stuff. Looking at the anti-Jr. posts everywhere else I’d say it will be a tough time for him to go a second round. LOL, he added to his misery by flying off to a useless meeting in Vietnam when he should be here to honour our veterans on Saturday.

      • Justin Trudeau is NOT going to be PM till 2027. The PM job is just a stepping stone to the international globalist jobs the he and his coterie desire, which is why he is in the process of selling out Canada to the global elites, demonstrating his bona fides as their servant and errand boy.

        • Don’t be daft.

          Only job above PM is Sect’y-Gen of UN, and he could have that for the asking.

          • The perfect job awaits him at this corrupt and irrelevant organization!

    • Very sad Bomber!

      I would wager that Dr. Julia Payette’s PHD degree has the phrase “In the year of our Lord” written on it. In fact — almost all diplomas/degrees do. Maybe even yours does? Notice the capitalization of Lord too?

      The year of our Lord — according to Meriam-Webster — means the year after the birth of Jesus Christ. To record that date/phrasing and writing on a PHD degree by an institution with the signature of the president/dean means something. The person has acquired the skills, knowledge, etc. on a specific date in a specific year.

      We would not all of a sudden tear up everyone’s PHDs and tell them they are invalid because there’s no such year as the “year of our Lord” and that year could not exist because there was no “Jesus Christ”. That would just be lunacy. Re-read your rant — give your head a shake — and stop with the hating.

      • LOL Are you normally this stupid, or do you have help?

  2. Odd isn’t it, that we have Stockwell-Scheer on the one side, Singh on the other, Justin as the catholic and the queen as the head of the Anglican church……

    Finally we have moved on to Payette.

  3. While he should be jailed for planning to legalize and normalize a dangerous psychotic drug that causes mental illness, it would be more fitting if he ended up in a safe injection site with all the future Canadians duped by his legacy.

    His hair will be falling out soon enough.

    I think we all have a right to know how police are going to determine drug impairment both before and after fatal accidents.

    Parents may think legalization of cannabis will protect their children from legal punishment.

    The drug stays active in people’s brains for months. It has a cumulative effect with alcohol and who knows what other prescription medications.

    The effect on all prescription medication is an important factor prior to legalization, don’t you think?

    What about when you or your children are determined to be impaired while driving after a fatal accident?

    Those people face serious jail time. Their lives are ruined.

    These are serious concerns that we both deserve and need to have addressed prior to legalization.

    • Pot has been used for thousands of years…….same as alcohol.

  4. How can an informed author ignore the growing inequality in this nation under the reign of Justin Photo-Op?
    We are witnessing a growing gap between the very rich and the rest of us as witnessed by such realities as :
    – almost a million Canadians using a wobbling food bank system;
    – growing numbers, especially of younger people, who are precariously employed, often with substantial post-secondary student debt;
    – too often ill- housed, poorly educated aboriginal people , often in ill-health, while Justin’s government legally challenges the Canadian Human Rights Commission’s ruling – three times – to provide adequate funding for aboriginal children in care;
    – long-time employees of Sears being the last in line to receive any adequate pensions by an executive that looted the company as it paid out high dividends and executive bonuses to a profoundly mis-managed corporation;
    – an under-funded health care system struggling to slow down the rate of hallway medicine and too often growing emergency and surgical wait lists;
    – costly housing prices and rents in almost every major urban/suburban location across the nation;
    – the elderly and too many children with access to no quality dental or vision care because of soaring costs;

    In sum, we are gradually experiencing creation of a two-tiered society in which wealthy individuals and corporations enjoy massive loopholes such as foreign tax havens and executive stock options while hard working Canadians face the daily issue of affordability which only the NDP dare speak of.
    As early as 1995 the then-HRDC research bulletin warned of the creation of a permanent under-class – especially filled with growing numbers of youth and immigrants – and we have experienced the reality of growing numbers of working poor – once again with only the NDP fighting for $15 an hour minimum wage and new ideas for a living wage for all.

    Justin has broken just about every election campaign promise he made that I care about – be it democratic electoral reform, adequate healthcare funding, an honest evaluation of the Kinder-Morgan expanded pipeline project, building bridges of trust and fairness between aboriginal and non-aboriginal communities, or fair taxation.

    In BC and Alberta we have seen what progressive provincial NDP governments can do in just a short time, including strengthening education and health care systems, taking real steps to build green energy alternatives: real change is possible when people elect governments not joined at the hip to wealthy individuals and corporations: there is hope and there is a real alternative to the federal alternation of Tweedledee and Tweedledum – as Tommy Douglas used to call them!

    • Interesting how one’s ideology changes what you see happening. From my perspective the Alberta NDP has brought in policies that will take many years of corrective action to fix if we can be lucky enough that they are only a one term government. By the time of the next election in 2019 Alberta will have accumulated $70 billion in debt under the NDP’s watch. They have increased taxes at every turn and added regulations including the on going implementation of labour rules for farms under Bill 6. For me 2019 can’t come soon enough and I certainly hope for a different result than the last election.

  5. This is how the government looks when the guy running the place has ZERO experience and his only jobs have been part time. It’s time to have someone who knows what they are doing. JT is going to ruin this country with his inexperience and self promotion.

    • Ho hum Canada is booming, jobs are plentiful, JT has more experience than Harp did ….and you guys should stop reading Con crap.

      It’s rotting your brains.

  6. How many days or even hours will it be before Maclean’s and the other MSM will stop talking about the $Billions in off-shore accounts altogether. The billionaires that own the media are no doubt complicit in these tax avoidance schemes , and are not about to draw attention to themselves. If this issue got one-tenth of the attention Mike Duffy got , there would be hell to pay .

    • You’re correct to call out parrot journalism where one of them makes a point, according to themselves, and they all repeat it. Investigation is replaced by merely repeating statements made by whatever miscreant is willing to give them a quote on the record. As for off-shore accounts, Andrew Scheer has some of those, but this goes barely mentioned because no one a bully pulpit is stumping this story. Too bad: Rebel has superseded CP wire as the primary news feed.

      • The lives of the Ottawa media revolve around QP and the latest gotcha politics pseudo scandal.
        Far more important to them to report on the latest insider talking point than say APEC.

        • I stand corrected.
          But there will be zero support for the Canadian position and strategy.
          Another gotcha for the media. But what are the facts?

  7. And now this claw back for our military if wounded and unable to return in 18 months. What the hell? Who’s brilliant idea was this? Does Trudeau and his merry men want to piss off the voting public again with another dumb move to save what exactly. It’s almost like Harper in his last term shooting himself over chicken shit stuff and forgetting the real important items!

  8. These belligerent and decadent trips this self glorified ass enjoys taking his family, nannies, aids, friends and neighbors, colleagues and general entourage on^get bigger and bigger and more expensive every one.
    Turdo has no self control on our tax dollars. He is a greedy and conceited pig at our tax troughs exactly like Coderre!
    Nothing and nowhere he travels, brings anything at all to Canada. The only direction is his rich and powerful world “friends”. We do not have the money nor the jobs to place all these immigrants, and Turdo should know this, but he does not care a breath about Canadians, unless there is votes and funding.

    Turdo is such a bold faced liar and cheater, that he has no respect for any one else but other liars and cheaters. He is probably a mule moving Liberal money around the world on these trips, to hide it from the tax payer who is facing increases.
    Guaranteed these billion dollar luxury tours paid for by you and me, have done nothing for you and me in two years, except drown us with debt, like the immigrants and the business closed or sold out of country. The next two years we are faced with Turdo’s growing and wasteful tax debt. HUGE for only personal desires…or to impress the UN.

  9. I can not look at the pictures of Turdo on these trips to meet the same leaders over and over again, and nothing but debt for Canada!
    Turdo knows full well he has screwed all Canadians on these trips and wasteful celebrations and general massive tax spending to campaign for himself, lying at press conferences, cheating with our money!
    Look how he laughs at those who voted for him
    He is nothing but an inebriated clown on our tax dollars., a roll he has played his entire life!

  10. Ivanka was wearing maternity wear in Japan, and the “ball and chain” has put on serious weight.
    Those who carry addictions to shopping, booze, food, and self glory, also have other addictions.

    All Turdo focuses on, and all our tax dollars are spent on, sex…LGBTQ FOR THE ENTIRE WORLD!
    Justin will save you and protect you if you can site persecution from any one, if you belong to the LGBTQ. If you are straight and Canadian, you are screwed. Because the self entitled ass, thinks he does not need to grow the straight, Canadian vote.
    His only focus is power with votes and other people’s money. It’s all a game for people like him, and we are the losers.

  11. How much are Canadians paying for this little turd to fly around the world with his family, nannies, aids, friends and neighbors, colleagues and entourage of LGBTQ? Hundreds of….million$? billions?
    Turdo is not going to these places for Canada, speaking to Myanmar is not for Canadians who are paying this little sh*t to work for Canadians!

    This piece of waste, has no tax dollars for the 20,00 laid off employees from Sears, nor does he think of the hundreds of pensioners from Sears. Oh, but he has lots of tax dollars to party hardy with his wealthy and powerful friends around the world every other month! Squat for the decay in Edmonton and Calgary.

    This week award members of 2017 parliament,
    last week, recognize previous PMs in Canada’s 150th BS celebration, which we paid trillions for Turdo to campaign and put Canadians coast to coast deep in debt, rising taxes and interest rates, (3 times in 2 months). ‘nough said

    These “accomplished”, and very greedy and selfish morons whom we pay trillions to govern a nation…
    what the f**k do they do for Canadians, for our tax dollars???

  12. Not a word in this article about the opposition to the Kinder Morgan pipeline expansion in BC. The company is interfering in the spawning of salmon and Dominic Leblanc, our minister of fisheries, says nothing. He’s leaving it to the industry-captured NEB to deal with and they’ve issued a stern warning which is being ignored. The NEB also has the power of a federal court and apparently is willing to overrule the decisions of democratically elected municipal and provincial officials. Meanwhile, Kinder Morgan is proceeding with construction while First Nations are opposing it in court and without having met the 157 conditions imposed by the NEB. As for the Liberals’ climate change policies, expanding the tar sands is a recipe for climate catastrophe. In this regard, among many others, they look a whole lot like the Harper Conservatives.

  13. As one with no political affiliation, your fake photo of Trudeau and your grossly one-sided story are an affront to all journalists and to every responsible Canadian.

  14. Wait a minute. Is Andy Kaufman the prime minister now?
    (Drop needle) “Here I come to save the day!”

  15. Why would enayone want to ask Junior a question; all you get are “uh, ahhh, ohhh, hmmm, lets see, uhh, hmmm”.

  16. Our oxymoronic ‘safety’ minister ‘no-Goodale’ has done nothing to stem the tide of illegals except to encourage more with heated trailers and welfare cheques while vets take cuts. The marajuana bill is JT’s ace-in-the-hole as he will delay it and say,” Vote for me in 2019, and we’ll do it.” Also looming in 2019 is the transfer payment renegotiations . I understand Quebec is in a surplus mode and this year will recieve 11 billion. Jason Kenney willhave that battle because Alberta must keep more of that for its own sick economy.

  17. I don’t think Trudeau is going bald anytime soon – he clearly inherited his height and hair from his mother’s side which includes his grandfather former MP James Sinclair. He inherited his facial features from his father though. Just compare the wikipedia profile pics of jr and sr and you see the resemblance. Trudeau’s father was short and started balding in his late 20s I believe. Trudeau’s younger brother resembles more of the father with the shorter build and thinning hair despite being younger than Justin. Trudeau to a degree clearly inherited the political wits, charisma and intelligence both from his father and grandfather like he credits in his autobiography common ground.

  18. If Jean Chretien can get 3 majority mandates then Trudeau surely can accomplish the same or better. Trudeau speaks both languages extremely well and surrounds himself with very smart people in his office, in his cabinet and as well with the remaining backbench mps. His wife is also very intelligent and well spoken. They naturally convey the image of strong principled Canadian leaders they do not have to constantly prove or test it like some past PMs and administrations.

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